Recent feminist scholarship concerning the United States in the 1920's challenges earlier interpretations that assessed the twenties in terms of the unkept \"promises\" of the women's suffrage movement. This new scholarship disputes the long-held view that because a women's voting bloc did not materialize after women gained the right to vote in 1920, suffrage failed to produce long-term political gains for women. These feminist scholars also challenge the old view that pronounced suffrage a failure for not delivering on the promise that the women's vote would bring about moral, corruption-free governance. Asked whether women's suffrage was a failure, these scholars cite the words of turn-of-the-century social reformer Jane Addams, \"Why don't you ask if suffrage in general is failing?\"
In some ways, however, these scholars still present the 1920's as a period of decline. After suffrage, they argue, the feminist movement lost its cohesiveness, and gender consciousness waned. After the mid-1920's, few successes could be claimed by feminist reformers: little could be seen in the way of legislative victories.
During this decade, however, there was intense activism aimed at achieving increased autonomy for women, broadening the spheres within which they lived their daily lives. Women's organizations worked to establish opportunities for women: they strove to secure for women the full entitlements of citizenship, including the right to hold office and the right to serve on juries.
1.The passage is primarily concerned with
a. providing evidence indicating that feminist reformers of the 1920's failed to reach some of
their goals
b. presenting scholarship that contrasts suffragist \"promises\" with the historical realities of the
1920's
c. discussing recent scholarship concerning the achievements of women's suffrage during the
1920's and presenting an alternative view of those achievements
d. outlining recent findings concerning events leading to suffrage for women in the 1920's and
presenting a challenge to those findings
e. providing support for a traditional view of the success of feminist attempts to increase gender
consciousness among women during the 1920's
2.It can be inferred that the author of the passage disagrees with the \"new scholarship\" mentioned in the highlighted text regarding the
a. degree to which the \"promises\" of the suffrage movement remained unkept b. degree to which suffrage for women improved the morality of governance
c. degree to which the 1920's represented a period of decline for the feminist movement d. degree of legislative success achieved by feminist reformers during the 1920's
e. accuracy of the view that a women's voting bloc did not materialize once suffrage was
achieved
3.The purpose of the second paragraph (the highlighted text) of the passage is to suggest a reason why suffragist \"promises\" were not kept contrast suffragist \"promises\" with the reality of the 1920's deplore the lack of successful feminist reform in 1920's explain a view held by feminist scholars answer the question asked by Jane Addams
Passage II
By the sixteenth century, the Incas of South America ruled an empire that extended along the Pacific coast and Andean highlands from what is now Ecuador to central Chile. While most of the Incas were self-sufficient agriculturists, the inhabitants of the highland basins above 9,000 feet were constrained by the kinds of crops they could cultivate. Whereas 95 percent of the principal Andean food crops can be cultivated below 3,000 feet, only 20 percent reproduce readily above 9,000 feet. Given this unequal resource distribution, highland Incas needed access to the products of lower, warmer climatic zones in order to enlarge the variety and quantity of their foodstuffs. In most of the preindustrial world, the problem of different resource distribution was resolved by long-distance trade networks over which the end consumer exercised little control. Although the peoples of the Andean highlands participated in such networks, they relied primarily on the maintenance of autonomous production forces in as many ecological zones as possible. The commodities produced in these zones were extracted, processed, and transported entirely by members of a single group.
This strategy of direct access to a maximum number of ecological zones by a single group is called vertical economy. Even today, one can see Andean communities maintaining use rights simultaneously to pasturelands above 12,000 feet, to potato fields in basins over 9,000 feet, and to plots of warm-land crops in regions below 6,000 feet. This strategy has two principal variations. The first is \"compressed verticality,\" in which a single village resides in a location that permits easy access to closely located ecological zones. Different crop zones or pasturelands are located within a few days walk of the parent community. Community members may reside temporarily in one of the lower zones to manage the extraction of products unavailable in the homeland. In the second variation, called the \"vertical archipelago,\" the village exploits resources in widely dispersed locations, constituting a series of independent production \"islands.\" In certain pre-Columbian Inca societies, groups were sent from the home territory to establish permanent satellite communities or colonies in distant tropical forests or coastal locations. There the colonists grew crops and extracted products for their wn use and for transshipment back to their high-altitude compatriots. In contrast to the compressed verticality system, in this system, ommodities rather than people circulated through the archipelago.
1.According to the passage, which of the following is true about the preindustrial long-distance trade networks mentioned in the highlighted text ?
a. They were not used extensively in most of the preindustrial world. b. They were used to some extent by the people of the Andean highlands.
c. They were not an effective means of solving the problem of different resource distribution. d. They necessitated the establishment of permanent satellite communities in widely dispersed
locations.
e. They were useful only for the transportation of products from warm climatic zones.
2.According to the passage, the inhabitants of the Andean highlands resolved the problem of unequal resource distribution primarily in which of the following ways?
a. Following self-sufficient agricultural practices
b. Increasing commodity production from the ecological zones in the highland basins c. Increasing their reliance on long-distance trade networks
d. Establishing satellite communities throughout the Andean highlands
e. Establishing production forces in ecological zones beyond their parent communities
3.The passage suggests that as a way of addressing the problem of different resource distribution in the
preindustrial world, the practice of vertical economy differed from the use of long-distance trade networks in that vertical economy allowed
a. commodities to reach the end consumer faster
b. a wide variety of agricultural goods to reach the end consumer c. a single group to maintain control over the production process d. greater access to commodities from lower, warmer climatic zones e. greater use of self-sufficient agricultural techniques
Passage III
In 1938, at the government-convened National Health Conference, organized labor emerged as a major proponent of legislation to guarantee universal health care in the United States. The American Medical Association, representing physicians' interests, argued for preserving physicians' free-market prerogatives. Labor activists countered these arguments by insisting that health care was a fundamental right that should be guaranteed by government programs.
The labor activists' position represented a departure from the voluntarist view held until 1935 by leaders of the American Federation of labor (AFL), a leading affiliation of labor unions; the voluntarist view stressed workers' right to freedom from government intrusions into their lives and represented national health insurance as a threat to workers' privacy. AFL president Samuel Gompers, presuming to speak for all workers, had positioned the AFL as a leading opponent of the proposals for national health insurance that were advocated beginning in 1915 by the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL), an organization dedicated to the study and reform of labor laws. Gompers' opposition to national health insurance was partly principled, arising from the premise that governments under capitalism invariably served employers', not workers', interests. Gompers feared the probing of government bureaucrats into workers' lives, as well as the possibility that government-mandated health insurance, financed in part by employers, could permit companies to require employee medical examinations that might be used to discharge disabled workers.
Yet the AFL's voluntarism had accommodated certain exceptions: the AFL had supported government intervention on behalf of injured workers and child laborers. AFL officials drew the line at
national health insurance, however, partly out of concern for their own power. The fact that AFL outsiders such as the AALL had taken the most prominent advocacy roles antagonized Gompers. That this reform threatened unionsponsored benefit programs championed by Gompers made national health insurance even more objectionable. Indeed, the AFL leadership did face serious organizational divisions. Many unionists, recognizing that union-run health programs covered only a small fraction of union members and that unions represented only a fraction of the nation's workforce, worked to enact compulsory health insurance in their state legislatures. This activism and the views underlying it came to prevail in the United States labor movement and in 1935 the AFL unequivocally reversed its position on health legislation.
1.The passage suggests which of the following about the voluntarist view held by leaders of the AFL regarding health care?
It was opposed by the AALL.
It was shared by most unionists until 1935.
It antagonized the American Medical Association.
It maintained that employer-sponsored health care was preferable to union-run health programs. It was based on the premise that the government should protect child laborers but not adult workers.
2.The primary purpose of the passage is to
a. account for a labor organization's success in achieving a particular goal
b. discuss how a labor organization came to reverse its position on a particular issue
c. explain how disagreement over a particular issue eroded the power of a labor organization d. outline the arguments used by a labor organization's leadership in a particular debate
e. question the extent to which a labor organization changed its position on a particular issue
3.Which of the following best describes the function of the sentence in the highlighted text ?
a. It elaborates a point about why the AFL advocated a voluntarist approach to health insurance. b. It identifies issues on which the AFL took a view opposed to that of the AALL.
c. It introduces evidence that appears to be inconsistent with the voluntarist view held by AFL
leaders.
d. It suggests that a view described in the previous sentence is based on faulty evidence.
e. It indicates why a contradiction described in the previous paragraph has been overlooked by
historians.
4.According to the passage, G's objection to national health insurance was based in part on his belief that
a. Union-sponsored health programs were less expensive than government sponsored programs. b. Most unionists were covered by and satisfied with union-sponsored health programs c. It would lead some employers to reduce company-sponsored benefits. d. It would result in certain workers unfairly losing their jobs.
e. The AFL should distance itself from views of the American Medical Association.
Passage IV
(This passage was excerpted from material published in 1996.)
When a large body strikes a planet or moon, material is ejected, thereby creating a hole in the planet and a local deficit of mass. This deficit shows up as a gravity anomaly: the removal of the material that has been ejected to make the hole results in an area of slightly lower gravity than surrounding areas. One would therefore expect that all of the large multi-ring impact basins on the surface of Earth's Moon would show such negative gravity anomalies, since they are, essentially, large holes in the lunar surface. Yet data collected in 1994 by the Clementine spacecraft show that many of these lunar basins have no anomalously low gravity and some even have anomalously high gravity. Scientists speculate that early in lunar history, when large impactors struck the Moon's surface, causing millions of cubic kilometers of crustal debris to be ejected, denser material from the Moon's mantle rose up beneath the impactors almost immediately, compensating for the ejected material and thus leaving no low gravity anomaly in the resulting basin. Later, however, as the Moon grew cooler and less elastic, rebound from large impactors would have been only partial and incomplete. Thus today such gravitational compensation probably would not occur: the outer layer of the Moon is too cold and stiff.
1.According to the passage, the gravitational compensation referred to in the highlighted text is caused by which of the following? a. b. c. d. e.
A deficit of mass resulting from the creation of a hole in the lunar surface The presence of material from the impactor in the debris created by its impact The gradual cooling and stiffening of the Moon's outer layer The ejection of massive amounts of debris from the Moon's crust The rapid upwelling of material from the lunar mantle
2.The passage suggests that if the scientists mentioned in the highlighted text are correct in their speculations, the large multi-ring impact basins on the Moon with the most significant negative gravity anomalies probably a. b. c. d. e.
3.Which of the following best describes the organization of the passage? a. b. c. d. e.
An anomalous finding is cited, the data used to support that finding are analyzed, and the finding is modified.
A theory about a phenomenon is introduced, data seeming to disprove that theory are analyzed, and the theory is rejected.
A phenomenon is described, a finding relating to the phenomenon is discussed, and a possible explanation for that finding is offered.
A debate among scientists regarding the explanation for a particular phenomenon is outlined, and one position in that debate is shown to be more persuasive.
The observation of an astronomical event is described, and two schools of thought about the explanation for that event are discussed. were not formed early in the Moon's history
were not formed by the massive ejection of crustal debris
are closely surrounded by other impact basins with anomalously low gravity were created by the impact of multiple large impactors were formed when the Moon was relatively elastic
CCD|BAC|ABCD|EAC
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